My story about yesterday’s march in New York City is here.
My story about yesterday’s march in New York City is here.
REPORT FROM THE PEOPLE’S CLIMATE MARCH
“A healthy movement has lots of creativity,” Judy commented as we walked down New York’s 42nd Street toward the conclusion of the People’s Climate March. By that measure, the movement to reverse climate change is pretty healthy.
Today’s march featured lots of costumes, chants, street theatre, props, dances, puppets, and marching bands as well as slogans galore on banners and signs, many of them hand-made. Many marchers carried signs that read “I’m marching for…” with a blank space each person could fill. Organizations also brought printed placards for their members to carry to spread their own messages.
“To Change Everything We Need Everyone” was an official slogan printed on hand-hed silk-screened banners and large ones carried high above the marchers. Vanessa Simwerayi, for whom this was her first big march, said she was impressed with the big flat screen displays at several intersections showing solidarity marches taking place all across the world. “Climate is something everybody has to face,” said Vanessa’s brother, Addy. Marchers were more diverse in age than race, but it can certainly be said that the climate issue is getting significant attention from an aroused public.
Slogans and chants gave more attention to fracking and tar sands than any other issue, at least in the sections of the march I observed. I was glad to see a couple groups of marchers with banners calling attention to northern New England’s local tar sands threat, the prospect that the Portland-Montreal pipeline could be re-purposed to carry tar sands-derived oil for Montreal to South Portland, Maine.
Addy Simwerayi said he was pleased to see local community groups calling attention to other social justice issues.
Without a rally at the beginning or end of the march, it was impossible to see or feel the size of the crowd. It also meant that the march’s message was delivered through the aggregation of varied messages rather than the words of official spokespeople.
Stretching for blocks along Central Park West, marchers assembled in good spirits waiting for the procession’s late start. Our section of the march didn’t start to move until about 2 pm. Eventually the march started down the avenue and chugged along in high-spirited fits and starts for a couple of hours, down Central Park West, east on 59th Street, South on Sixth Avenue, and west on 42nd Street to its conclusion on 11th Ave. Volunteer ‘peacekeepers” wearing orange t-shirts were dispersed through the crowd to provide information and intervene in the case of unpleasantness. Unless you count a guy with a battery-powered P/A system haranguing marchers that they should be attending to homelessness and the perils of tobacco instead of the climate, I didn’t see any unpleasantness.
For most of the route marchers occupied the width of the major streets and avenues, with metal barricades separating marchers from pedestrians and onlookers. New York police were very much in evidence, but didn’t have much to do other than keep their barricades intact.
The New Hampshire contingent was organized largely by 350 NH, the local arm of the international action group. Riding back on the bus, fellow travelers with internet access reported march organizers were saying there had been more than 300,000 marchers. From her seat on the bus, Sarah Hubner commented, “I just hope somebody was listening.”
Democracy Movement Takes a Message to Senator Ayotte
NASHUA, NH — The “Democracy for All Amendment” failed on a procedural vote today in the US Senate, but not before a dozen New Hampshire activists made one more attempt to get Senator Kelly Ayotte to support overturning the US Supreme Court’s “Citizens United” decision.
“Corporations are not people. They should not control our political process,” Representative Sylvia Gale of Nashua said to the group assembled at City Hall Plaza at 9 am this morning.
The group was small, but they are part of a large movement of people concerned that “corporate people” and the wealthiest Americans have the legal ability to drown out competing voices in the political process.
“I don’t have a lot of money and I want my voice to be heard,” explained Fred Robinson, who drove to Nashua from Goffstown to participate.
“Democracy should work for people,” offered Dr. Thabile Mnisi-Misibi, an ANC member visiting from South Africa.
The contingent of 13 people walked with signs and chants through the downtown district to the Senator’s office. There, they delivered a petition with 12,000 New Hampshire names calling on Senator Ayotte to support the constitutional change.
“This is an issue for all of New Hampshire, and Senator Ayotte needs to get involved,” said Dan Weeks of the Coalition for Open Democracy, the group which led the organizing of today’s action.
Weeks handed the petitions and supporting material to Simon Thomson, an aide to Senator Ayotte, who met the group on the sidewalk outside her office.
A similar action took place last week at Senator Ayotte’s Portsmouth office.
Ayotte voted Monday for a motion that allowed consideration of the amendment to go forward, but today joined her GOP colleagues voting against ending debate, thereby blocking the measure from an up or down vote on its merits. New Hampshire’s other Senator, Jeanne Shaheen, was a co-sponsor of the amendment proposal.
The notion that the Supreme Court believes corporations are people, that money is speech, and that therefore corporations can spend without limits to affect election campaigns has provoked a reaction expressed through petitions, resolutions, and proposals for constitutional change. SJ Resolution 19, the proposal defeated today in the US Senate, is just one of a couple dozen advanced by members of Congress in response to Citizens United. Some groups, such as Move To Amend, have made it clear they think it doesn’t go far enough to reverse corporate constitutional rights. But it was the only proposal likely to get considered in the foreseeable future, so many groups calling for constitutional change were on board.
Writing in his blog at The Nation earlier this week, John Nichols said:
The amendment that is being considered is a consequential, if relatively constrained, proposal, which focuses on core money in political concerns but which does not go as far as many Americans would like when it comes to establishing that money is not speech, corporations are not people and elections should not be up for sale to the highest bidder.
Yet it is difficult to underestimate the importance of the debate that will unfold this week. The debate signals that a grassroots movement has established the rational response to a political crisis created by US Supreme Court rulings (including, but certainly not exclusively, the Citizens United and McCutcheon decisions) that have opened the floodgates for domination of political debates by billionaire campaign donors and corporate cash.
No one expected the amendment to get the two-thirds vote it would need to pass or get a vote at all in John Boehner’s House of Representatives. But the fact that any vote took place is evidence of a significant expression of public sentiment that the“Citizens United” decision did serious damage to fundamental issues. The questions now are whether the movement will grow or fizzle, and whether the pro-amendment groups will intensify their demands for more aggressive language or head down the familiar road of further compromise. A decision to water down the language in hopes of gaining votes at this point would be a huge mistake.
“Constitutional amendments become viable when support for them grows so overwhelming that traditional partisan and ideological boundaries are broken,” wrote Nichols, who will speak at an AFSC dinner in Concord on September 27. “When this happens, the divide becomes less a matter of Republican versus Democrat or left versus right and more a matter of a broken present versus a functional future.”
Bread and Roses Heritage Festival, Lawrence MA
In a sense the heroes of Labor Day 2014 are the employees of the Demoulas Market Basket supermarket chain, from part-time baggers all the way up to CEO Arthur T. Demoulas, whose dismissal six weeks ago prompted a mass walk-out and consumer boycott that brought him back to the company’s helm. It was an unusual example of labor solidarity, to say the least.
To re-cap, when Arthur T. was ousted as CEO by stockholders led by his cousin, Arthur S. Demoulas, middle managers walked out, truck drivers stopped making deliveries, baggers and clerks made protest signs during their shifts, and customers heeded the call of workers for a boycott. Five weeks later, August 27, Arthur T’s bid to buy out his rivals was accepted and workers and shoppers returned to the stores scattered across Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine.”
[See earlier post, “Bring Back the Boss.”]
I talked to two of the workers, Dave and Jordan, at the doorway of the Fort Eddy Road Market Basket in Concord, New Hampshire last Thursday, the morning after the deal was announced. They run the produce department, but with no produce on the shelves they were spending their shift welcoming customers back to the store after a five-week boycott and strike.
Dave said he had been “ready to battle to the end,” and that in the end “we hit them in the pocket.”
“We won,” said one smiling shopper. “Congratulations,” said another. “Those asses don’t know their asses from their elbows,” commented a third. “Thank you for your resolve,” added a fourth. Speaking of the customers who did their shopping elsewhere during the job action, Dave said, “We did it together.”
“There’s a power there,” commented Robert Forrant, a professor of history at UMASS Lowell, speaking four days later in the labor history tent at the 30th annual Bread and Roses Heritage Festival in Lawrence, MA. The Demoulas story is “evidence of collective action, workers and consumers working together.”
“If there are no workers, there is no production,” Forrant said. While that may be as basic a statement about the power of labor as one could make, it’s not one that has produced many compelling and successful examples in Massachusetts and New Hampshire in the 21st century. So far.
“If I was a fast food worker, this would inspire me to think solidarity was possible,” said Forrant, who received this year’s Labor Day Heritage Festival Hall of Fame Award.
The festival also featured the first annual wreath-laying ceremony at the monument to the 1912 strike commemorated by the Bread and Roses Festival. There, too, Demoulas workers were front and center. “This monument speaks to me,” said Steve Paulenka, one of several company executives fired for instigating protests. “Remember what they did and why they did it.”
We should also remember the summer of 2014, “when a whole lot of ordinary folks got together and made extraordinary things happen,” Paulenka continued.
Professor Forrant says it’s too early to know whether the Demoulas struggle is one for the history books. But in 1912, he said, no one knew the Bread and Roses strike would inspire workers decades later.
Flowers laid at memorial to the 1912 Bread and Roses strike
A quiet country road from Dublin to Hancock, New Hampshire was the site of the New Hampshire Rebellion’s latest “Granny D Walk” to end the influence of money in American politics.
Granny D was the public moniker for Doris Haddock, a long-time Dublin resident who set out from California a few days short of her 89th birthday to walk across the USA and publicize the need for campaign finance reform. She had just turned 90 when she reached the nation’s capital on February 29, 2000.
The path of today’s walk was one she used to train for her historic pilgrimage, which ended at the US Capitol on February 29, 2000, a month after she turned 90.
Few people reflect the strength of conviction demonstrated by Granny D, observed Larry Lessig, the writer and Harvard Law School professor who launched the Rebellion last year. The group conducted a winter march from Dixville Notch to Nashua in
January and another along the New Hampshire seacoast in July.
Today forty people, aiming to make breaking the money-politics link a central issue of the 2016 presidential nominating contest, continued Granny D’s quest. Walking through a wooded area with no pedestrians and barely any cars, there weren’t many people to educate and convince. But perhaps that wasn’t the point.
There’s a long history of walks, marches, and pilgrimages intended to bolster movements for social change. Gandhi’s march to the sea, the 1965 march from Selma to Montgomery, the United Farm Workers Union’s 300-mile march from Delano to Sacramento, and the regular peace walks led by the Nipponzan Myohoji monks come to mind as examples. Yes, they are expressions of political views, but they also embody spiritual power.
When we sing “we won’t let nobody turn us around,” we aim to capture that same spirit. When musicians Leslie Vogel and Fred Simmons treated us to “Just a Walk with Granny D” before the march, I felt the spirit in motion.
Part of the point was also to get to know new people, Dan Weeks said at the walk’s outset. Dan, who was recently appointed as Executive Director for the NH Coalition for Open Democracy (NH COD), says his own activist inclinations began when Granny D visited his high school. At that time the impressionable 15-year old learned from his elderly neighbor that companies which profited from selling tobacco had a heavy hand in writing the nation’s laws through their political involvement. Children were dying because of the nation’s twisted approach to campaign finance, Granny D explained. Dan was hooked, not on cigarettes, but on money & politics activism. “The system excludes so many of our people,” he says.
To put it another way, if money is speech, then those with the most money get the most speech. And as the distribution of wealth becomes increasingly skewed, inequality of speech becomes a profound political problem for a country where government of the people, by the people, and for the people is supposed to be imperishable.
From Dan’s perspective, a walk in the steps of Granny D is a statement that we have not given up hope.
Two hours after setting out, clusters of walkers arrived in the center of Hancock, a town with a population of fewer than 2000 people. There we were greeted by volunteers and treated to ice cream donated by Ben & Jerry’s. The crowd had grown to about 60 people, now including Jim Rubens, a Republican candidate for the US Senate who has made campaign finance reform a plank in his platform (and who says he’s the only Republican in the race who is speaking out against the third Iraq war).
When the ice cream had been eaten, Dan Weeks introduced Professor Lessig for a short speech by the gazebo on the Hancock Common. Lessig apparently didn’t feel a need to educate the assembled dozens about the corruption caused by the billions of dollars in the political system, nor did he choose to restate the strategy of the NH Rebellion. He chose instead to exhort the small crowd about the importance of action, something he says our country has become unaccustomed to taking.
“We’ve just gotten through a century of very passive politics, where we were told to shut up and listen to the commercials and just show up to vote,” Lessig said.
the streets. We weren’t about ordinary citizens trying to lead. We weren’t practiced in that kind of politics.”
“But that’s the kind of politics this will take,” he continued. “Neither the Republican nor the Democratic Party leadership like this issue. Neither of them are going to make this transition happen on their own. It will only happen if we force them.”
Plans are already being hatched for another walk next January, timed to coincide not only with Granny D’s birthday but also with the fifth anniversary of the Citizens United court decision.
Ken Mayers’ little red Honda hybrid was loaded up with banners and signs when I hopped in on Friday morning, headed for a peace protest at the corner of St. Francis Drive and Cerillos Road in Santa Fe, New Mexico. There, Ken and other local activists give the community’s peace movement dependable visibility. Friday was the 12th anniversary of their first weekly protest during the build-up to the Iraq war.
Back then the protest might attract upwards of a hundred people. Now they are down to a few stalwarts, but someone is there every week.
Ken takes out a large Veterans for Peace banner but since the weather is calm, he assembles another using sections of plastic pipe. The vinyl banner on one side says “Stop the War on Mother Earth.” The banner on the other says “Close Guantanamo.” Both are attached to the pipe framework with bungee cords. I admire the design, and tell Ken about Don Booth, who held peace vigils for years in Concord and who never ceased fussing with banner designs and slogans. Ken is able to hold the flag and the banner rig at the same time.
Ken started the Santa Fe Veterans for Peace chapter in 2002, but he’s been an activist longer than than. He still runs a business out of his home, but peace is high on his agenda. Ken has made several trips to Israel and occupied Palestine and participated in the 2011 “Audacity of Hope” flotilla to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza. [Click here to read more about Ken.] We share the distinct honor of having been arrested with Will Thomas in acts of civil disobedience.
I grab an FCNL “War is Not the Answer” road sign from the back of the car and join Ken on the sidewalk by the busy intersection.
The corner is on the road from Albuquerque to Los Alamos, which still functions as a lynchpin facility in US nuclear weapons development, but the location was chosen, Ken said, because it gets so much traffic. Sometimes demonstrations are held in the center of town, near the state capital building (“The Roundhouse”), but the weekly Friday protest is always at the corner.
Soon after we arrive, Ray rides up on his bike with his service dog, Dawson, and unfurls his own peace banner. Ray tells me he and Ken were both active in Vietnam Veterans Against the War back in the day. Now Ray supports programs that provide shelter to people who are homeless.
Ken points across the intersection to another man having his own peace protest.
His name is pronounced “Mo,” but he says he spells it with an “M,” an “h,” and a – a peace sign. He’d like the peace sign to be recognized as the 27th letter and says his own vigil was inspired by former Beatle Ringo Starr, who asks people to stand out for peace and love at noon on his birthday. Tibetan peace flags dangle from a pole that also sports Buddhist symbols, feathers, and peace buttons. “It’s a hippie thing, too,” he says. A button that reads “stop the next war now” is pinned to his shirt. He used to be joined by a World War 2 vet named Bob, but Bob is 90 years old and can’t stand out by the road for an hour. So Mho stands by himself, waving peace signs to the cars driving by, just like Ringo suggested.
When I head back toward Ray and Ken’s corner I find another spot occupied by Mark and Bud with another set of signs. Mark’s says “One Nation Under Surveillance” on one side and “War is a Racket” on the other. Bud holds a poster with lots of photos and the words “violence begets violence begets violence … ” Later he gives me a copy of his film, “The Forgotten Bomb: Everything Depends on Remembering.”
Dave arrives and joins Ken and Ray. His sign says “honk for peace” and it works pretty well. But by then the allotted hour is up.
I help Ken take apart his banner display and stash it in the back of the car. Ray and Dawson ride off on their bike. The protest will resume next Friday.
It’s kind of like summer camp but maybe more like a family reunion. It’s like a retreat center or perhaps a mini-micro version of the World Social Forum. It’s a vacation resort, except without most of the amenities you might associate with that word. It’s a place where you can play badminton, have intense conversations about conflict minerals in Africa, hone your activist skills, take a nap on the lawn with a novel on our lap, or commune with loons. You can even debut your new play at Fun Night (more on that later).
It’s the World Fellowship Center on the edge of New Hampshire’s White Mountains, and it’s a great place to visit for a day or a week or the whole summer from early July until Labor Day.
Where else would you find 30 people sitting around on a rainy Sunday morning talking about the importance of divesting from the fossil fuel industry, the final session of a 3-day program on “Living the Transition to a New Economy?”
“Their business model isn’t going to change,” said long-time organizer Chuck Collins about the companies that mine coal, drill for oil and natural gas, and process them for sale. “Young people are driving a movement to address the climate crisis,” he emphasized.
One of them is Collins’ daughter, Nora, who called climate “the ultimate social issue,” with a disproportionate impact on already marginalized people throughout the world.
“We are revoking the license of the fossil fuel industry to wreck our future,” Chuck said. He recommends divestinvest.org as a source of information for individuals and institutions interested in this strategy.
Molly Messenger and Bruce Mallory led three discussions about the work of New Hampshire Listens, a project based at UNH that fosters community dialogues on controversial issues. This might include something local like whether to install a traffic light or build a roundabout at a dangerous intersection, a statewide issue like whether to permit gambling casinos, or a campus matter like divestment from the fossil fuel industry. The process of promoting real dialogue is “an antidote to the highly polarized political discourse” that dominates talk radio, the US Congress, and a lot of local forums, Mallory said.
The public engagement they advocate and teach is distinct from public relations, public input, and public education because it is aimed at engaging community members in shared problem solving, not just one-way communication. To work well it needs a commitment to a community organizing process, not simply the hosting of public gatherings for people to meet up and air their views.
World Fellowship also hosted the Kimba Vitu Institute, a 5-day program for young adults from the Democratic Republic of Congo dedicated to developing leaders in the struggle to free their country from dictatorship, war, and foreign domination. They kept busy with their own programs most of the time, but Institute participants gave two presentations and offered an introduction to Congolese dance to wrap up the Friday Fun Night program.
Paul Pumphrey and Kambalae Musavuli of Friends of the Congo, a US-based organization that helps organize the Kimba Vitu Institute, outlined some of the intense challenges facing the Congolese people at this time, including aggression sponsored by the government of Rwanda, a corrupt national elite, and foreign corporations that exploit minerals such as copper, cobalt, and coltan, (It’s not only our government that is unduly influenced by corporate interests.) If you’ve never heard of “coltan,” check out this link to learn about a rare mineral that has become an essential component for many of our modern electronic gadgets, including mobile phones. Sixty percent of the world’s coltan reserves are in the DRC. As they outlined, it is not uncommon for corporations to move into communities that have been abandoned following militia attacks and mass rape.
In addition to educating the public, Friends of the Congo has a campaign to pressure the US government to enforce the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006, sponsored by then-Senator Barack Obama. In particular, Section 105 of that law calls on the US government “to withhold assistance made available under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2151 et seq.), other than humanitarian, peacekeeping, and counter terrorism assistance, for a foreign country if the Secretary [of State] determines that the government of the foreign country is taking actions to destabilize the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” This provision would apply to Rwanda, which according to Pumphrey and Kambalae is a US ally. Visit their website for more information and to get involved, for example by organizing educational programs during Congo Week in October””.
Every evening at World Fellowship there is some type of educational or cultural program. One evening John Uniack Davis gave an update on Syria. Saturday evening we were treated to a concert with Hudson Valley Sally (none of whose members appear to be named “Sally.”) You can find all the details of what you missed and what’s coming up in the summer program.
World Fellowshippers also find plenty of time to enjoy the outdoors, especially Whitton Pond and hikes in nearby mountains. Howie Fain offers two (sometimes three) recreational outings a day, usually a hike or bike ride, always with his rating of how easy or challenging the trip will be. There’s also the daily “art on the porch” sessions, morning body movement programs, and Children’s Fellowship for the 3 to 9-year-old set. In the evening you are likely to find people playing scrabble or other games, doing jigsaw puzzles, or sitting around the porch with guitars and copies of Rise Up Singing.
Every Friday evening is Fun Night, the all-World Fellowship talent show featuring stand-up comedy, stories, music, and more. This year I recruited volunteer actors, singers, and musicians to stage the premier performance of my play, “Metamorphosis Two: The Corporation Strikes Back,” the story of a person who discovers she has been transformed into a corporation. (More on this project soon.)
Our week wrapped up with the annual Clamshell Alliance Reunion, which this year featured talks by Roy Morrison on how to make large-scale shifts from nukes and fossil fuels to renewable alternatives and Joanne Sheehan on the historic roots of the Clamshell’s application of nonviolent action.
Morrison believes an ecological transition is compatible with economic growth through “a market system that would send money signals for sustainability,” for example by means of “a comprehensive system of ecological taxation.”
A tax on carbon won’t do the trick, he said, for reasons of basic economics. If taxes on fossil fuels effectively reduce demand for coal, oil, and natural gas, the prices will drop, Morrison suggested. That’s why he favors a broader “ecological value added tax.”
Joanne Sheehan found the roots of the Clamshell Alliance’s approach to nonviolence training in the application of Gandhian approaches by World War Two war resisters, first to desegregate prisons and subsequently in the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation, the first “freedom ride.” The use of nonviolence training for participants and acceptance of a set of guidelines for participants would be among the methods adopted by the Clams in 1976.
The three decades before Clamshell’s birth, though, saw plenty of applications for nonviolence training, notably the workshops led by the Rev. James Lawson prior to the Nashville sit-ins and the sessions for participants in Mississippi Freedom Summer in 1964. There were also clear lines from the civil rights movement to pacifist groups like Peacemakers and the Committee for Nonviolent Action (CNVA), which applied Gandhian tactics in the movement for nuclear disarmament.
Marge Swan was a CNVA activist in the early 1960s and directed the American Friends Service Committee’s New England office in the mid-1970s when the No Nukes movement sprouted from environmentalist, anti-war, civil rights, and feminist seeds. Sukie Rice, an AFSC staff member in Cambridge, took her anti-war experience to the Clamshell and with Elizabeth Boardman, another Quaker active with AFSC, led the Clamshell’s first nonviolence training workshops in the summer of 1976.
[For more details on early Clamshell see “Clam Magic: The Birth of a National Anti-Nuclear Movement, A Chapter from the Oral History of How the No Nukes Movement (1973-1982) Saved the United States and Maybe the World,” by Al Giordano at http://www.narconews.com/Issue67/article4739.html.]
As Joanne Sheehan outlined it, the Clamshell model included six components:
1. Required nonviolent action training;
2. The use of guidelines, essentially a code of discipline that all participants agreed to uphold;
3. The use of Affinity Groups, small groups of participants who worked together for preparation, mutual support, and decision-making;
4. Consensus decision-making;
5. A non-hierarchical structure; and
One piece of history Sheehan learned from Giordano’s interviews is that Sukie Rice first experienced the use of affinity groups at the 1971 May Day anti-war protests in Washington and adapted materials from the May Day action manual to use with Clamshell. Clamshell produced its own action manuals for major actions. These led eventually to the Handbook for Nonviolent Action, or the “generic manual,” published by Kate Donnelly and the War Resisters League.
If the roots of Clamshell’s nonviolence can be traced back a few decades, it’s also possible to identify the fruits of the Clamshell model in the mid-80s Pledge of Resistance to US aggression against Nicaragua, the 1999 World Trade Organization protests in Seattle, Occupy Wall Street, and plenty of other campaigns that used nonviolent civil disobedience. However, in many cases elements of the model have been dropped. As an example cited by Sheehan, groups using civil disobedience to protest the climate disruption caused by fossil fuel consumption often spend as much time raising bail money as they do planning the actions that will get them arrested. In many cases, tactics are determined through hierarchical structures, not through horizontal ones.
But lessons learned in the past can be re-learned. The Clamshell Weekend ended with discussions about making deliberate plans for next year’s gathering to be inter-generational. If so, we shouldn’t see this just as way for the elder generation (of which I am now a member) to pass our wisdom on to the youngers. The youngers no doubt have much to teach the elders, too.